ALERT The Winds of War Blow in Korea and The Far East

jward

passin' thru
Doge
@IntelDoge

5h

The Philippines claims #China Coast Guard vessels "blocked and water cannoned" two Philippine supply boats that were heading to transport food supplies to Philippine military personnel in the Ayungin Shoal. No injuries, boats were forced to abort their mission.
The Ayungin Shoal (Second Thomas Shoal) is a shoal or atoll located in the Spratly Islands of the South China Sea. The shoal is currently military occupied by the Philippines and is a Philippine Territory.
View: https://twitter.com/IntelDoge/status/1461122160030887943?s=20
 

jward

passin' thru
China may soon launch surprise nuclear strike on United States with hypersonic missiles
Warns US Air Force General John Hyten

Third World War
Article Published: November 17, 2021
Comments Off on China may soon launch surprise nuclear strike on United States with hypersonic missiles

Washington / Beijing – China has more advanced hypersonic technology, on the strength of which China can launch an unexpected nuclear attack on the United States, warned US Deputy Vice Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General John Hyten. General Hyten also acknowledged that China’s nuclear-capable hypersonic missiles travelled at more than five times the speed of sound in July and August. Besides, he appealed that the US take the issue seriously, comparing China’s test with the ‘Sputnik moment’.
अनपेक्षित अणुहल्ला, hypersonic
I

In an interview with CBS News of the US, General Hyten revealed important information about China’s hypersonic missile test. ‘They launched a long-range missile. It went around the world and dropped off a hypersonic glide vehicle that glided back to China, impacting a target in China. This hypersonic missile travelled five times faster than the speed of sound’, stated General Hyten.

‘During the test in China, the hypersonic missile was close enough to the intended target. It was close to a Sputnik moment. From a technology perspective, it’s pretty impressive. But Sputnik created a sense of urgency in the United States. The test on July 27 did not create that sense of urgency’, General Hyten claimed. ‘I think it probably should create a sense of urgency,’ he said.

Moreover, General Hyten issued a severe warning that the missiles used by China during the tests were of the ‘first-use weapon’ type. China could use those missiles to launch a surprise nuclear attack on the US in the future. General Hyten said that although the US is also developing hypersonic missiles, its speed is slower than China’s. Ahead of General Hyten, the US Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Mark Milley compared China’s hypersonic missile test to a ‘Sputnik moment’ and said it was ‘very concerning’. Later, General Hyten also mentioned it and drew attention to China’s possible nuclear attack.
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china-us-nuclear-attack-2-300x168.jpg

Last month, Britain‘s Financial Times reported of China testing a nuclear-capable hypersonic missile. The report said that the Chinese missile travelled in a Low-Earth orbit during the test. It claimed that the trial demonstrated China’s hypersonic capabilities as well as its space capabilities. Information about the second test had also come to light after that. Both tests were carried out without the knowledge of US intelligence, and the capabilities displayed by Chinese missiles were said to have surprised US intelligence.
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Zagdid

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northern watch

TB Fanatic
Seoul says Russian, Chinese warplanes enter air buffer zone
South Korea says it scrambled fighter jets to respond to a group of Russian and Chinese warplanes that entered its air buffer zone unannounced
By The Associated Press
19 November 2021, 04:53

FILE - People watch a TV showing images of Russian Tu-95 bomber and Chinese H-6 bomber, left, during a news program at the Seoul Railway Station in Seoul, South Korea, Wednesday, July 24, 2019. South Korea said Friday, Nov. 19, 2021, it scrambled fig

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The Associated Press
FILE - People watch a TV showing images of Russian Tu-95 bomber and Chinese H-6 bomber, left, during a news program at the Seoul Railway Station in Seoul, South Korea, Wednesday, July 24, 2019. South Korea said Friday, Nov. 19, 2021, it scrambled fighter jets to respond to a group of Russian and Chinese warplanes that entered its air buffer zone unannounced. (AP Photo/Ahn Young-joon, File)

SEOUL, South Korea -- South Korea said Friday it scrambled fighter jets to respond to a group of Russian and Chinese warplanes that entered its air buffer zone unannounced.

South Korea’s Joint Chiefs of Staff said it detected seven Russian and two Chinese military aircraft in the country’s air defense identification zone off its eastern coast
.

Anticipating the moves, South Korea had already sent fighter jets and other aircraft to the area to prevent accidental clashes, but the Russian and Chinese planes left without breaching South Korea’s territorial airspace, the Joint Chiefs of Staff said.

China later told South Korea through a military communication channel that the flights were part of its routine military exercises with Russia
.

“(We) assess the current situation as a joint exercise between China and Russia and additional analysis is needed,” the Joint Chiefs of Staff said in a statement.

The Russian Defense Ministry said in a statement Friday that the Russian military was conducting joint aerial patrols with China.

On Friday, “an air group consisting of two Tu-95MS strategic bombers of the Russian Aerospace Forces and two Hun-6K strategic bombers of the Air Force of the People’s Liberation Army of China carried out aerial patrols over the waters of the Sea of Japan and the East China Sea,” it said.

The ministry said the joint patrol was carried to further develop Russian-Chinese relations, improve coordination between the two armed forces and for “strengthening global strategic stability.”

Air defense identification zones usually expand beyond the country’s territory to allow more time to respond to potentially hostile aircraft. Military planes entering another country’s air defense identification zone are required to notify it in advance.

Chinese and Russian warplanes have often entered South Korea’s air defense identification zones in recent years as they increasingly flex their muscle amid an intensifying competition with the United States.

In 2019, South Korea said its fighter jets fired hundreds of warning shots toward a Russian military plane that it said twice violated its national airspace off its eastern coast. Russia then denied that its aircraft entered South Korea’s territory.

———

Associated Press writer Daria Litvinova in Moscow contributed to this report.

Seoul says Russian, Chinese warplanes enter air buffer zone - ABC News (go.com)
 

jward

passin' thru
washingtontimes.com

U.S. threatens military response to China in South China Sea dispute
Bill Gertz

7-8 minutes


The State Department on Friday warned China that it risks military action from the United States in response to Chinese coast guard efforts to block the resupply of a Philippines island outpost.

The department said in a statement that the Chinese coast guard operation Tuesday blocking Philippine resupply ships and using water cannons at Second Thomas Shoal in the Spratly Islands of the South China Sea could trigger the U.S.-Philippines mutual defense treaty.

“The United States stands with our Philippine allies in upholding the rules-based international maritime order and reaffirms that an armed attack on Philippine public vessels in the South China Sea would invoke U.S. mutual defense commitments under Article IV of the 1951 U.S. Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty,” the statement said. “The United States strongly believes that [China‘s] actions asserting its expansive and unlawful South China Sea maritime claims undermine peace and security in the region.”

U.S. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin spoke to Philippines Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana by phone on Friday to discuss the standoff, saying the U.S. would “stand with our Philippine allies.”

“Secretary Austin reaffirmed the strong U.S. commitment to the Philippines under the Mutual Defense Treaty,” Pentagon spokesman John Kirby said in a statement. “They agreed on the vital importance of peace and stability in the South China Sea and pledged to stay in close contact in the coming days.”

China has been militarily encroaching on the entire South China Sea since 2012. At that time, Chinese maritime vessels took control of the disputed Scarborough Shoal in the Spratlys, but the Obama administration took no action to support the Philippines, despite the mutual defense pact.

In 2019, then-Secretary of State Mike Pompeo reversed the approach by announcing that any Chinese military action against Philippines‘ interests in the Spratly would invoke the defense treaty.

The shoal at issue is the location of a grounded Philippines ship that has been used as an island base for several years. The ship is dependent on supplies from the Philippines navy and China for the first time has tried to block the shipments in an escalation of its disputed maritime claims in the region.

China has asserted ownership of some 90% of the South China Sea under vague historical claims –- claims rejected by an international tribunal several years ago as an unlawful encroachment on an international waterway.

“The United States stands with our ally, the Philippines, in the face of this escalation that directly threatens regional peace and stability, escalates regional tensions, infringes upon freedom of navigation in the South China Sea as guaranteed under international law, and undermines the rules-based international order,” the State Department said.

The statement noted that an arbitration panel created under the 1983 Law of the Sea Convention issued a “unanimous and enduring decision” that rejected Beijing’s claims to Second Thomas Shoal and concluded that waters around the shoal were part of Manila’s exclusive economic zone.

“The PRC and the Philippines, pursuant to their treaty obligations under the Law of the Sea Convention, are legally bound to comply with this decision,” the statement said.

“The PRC should not interfere with lawful Philippine activities in the Philippines‘ exclusive economic zone,” the statement said, using the acronym for People’s Republic of China.
 

jward

passin' thru
Japan confirms Chinese naval ship sailed in its waters for first time in 4 years

  • The defence ministry said the vessel transited Japan’s waters earlier this week off its southwestern prefecture of Kagoshima
  • Officials said Tokyo conveyed concern about the survey ship’s action to Beijing through diplomatic channels

Kyodo



Kyodo
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Published: 7:00am, 20 Nov, 2021

Updated: 7:00am, 20 Nov, 2021


Why you can trust SCMP

knowledge

Asia’s territorial disputes



A Chinese marine surveillance vessel and a Japan coastguard patrol ship near the Diaoyu Islands in the East China Sea. File photo: Kyodo via Getty Images

A Chinese marine surveillance vessel and a Japan coastguard patrol ship near the Diaoyu Islands in the East China Sea. File photo: Kyodo via Getty Images

A Chinese naval ship sailed in Japan’s waters earlier this week off its southwestern prefecture of Kagoshima, the defence ministry said on Friday, as security tensions between the two countries have shown no signs of easing.
It is the first time since July 2017 that the ministry has confirmed and disclosed a Chinese naval vessel’s intrusion into Japanese waters. It is the fourth time in total for such an incursion.
The Japanese government conveyed concern about the vessel’s action to China through diplomatic channels, said officials familiar with the matter.
But no order based on the Self-Defence Forces Law allowing the defensive use of weapons on the seas was issued, according to the officials.

Japan says US committed to protect Diaoyu Islands amid China tensions
The Chinese survey ship was spotted sailing off the southwestern prefecture on Wednesday and Thursday in the so-called contiguous zone outside Japan’s territorial waters, the ministry said.

The ship heading toward Japanese waters from the contiguous zone south of Yakushima Island was spotted by a Maritime Self-Defence Force patrol plane around 8.40pm on Wednesday, the ministry said.

The ship was then seen sailing west of Kuchinoerabu Island in the zone westward around 1.20am on Thursday.

The ministry has determined that the vessel entered Japanese waters, without saying when that happened.


Diaoyu-Senkaku islands spat deepens as Japan warns China over coastguard ships in East China Sea


01:56

Diaoyu-Senkaku islands spat deepens as Japan warns China over coastguard ships in East China Sea


Diaoyu-Senkaku islands spat deepens as Japan warns China over coastguard ships in East China Sea
China’s increased maritime activities have become a major security concern for Japan and other countries in the region.

Beijing frequently sends coastguard ships near the Senkakus, a group of Japan-controlled islets in the East China Sea. The uninhabited islets are claimed by China, which calls them Diaoyu.

On Friday, four Chinese coastguard ships also entered Japanese waters around the Senkakus, marking the first intrusion in the area since October 20.
Japan’s top government spokesman Hirokazu Matsuno said in a press conference it is “a violation of international law. It is truly regretful, and we cannot accept it.”

Will Japan’s new China-friendly foreign minister help to thaw ties?
Matsuno said Japan has lodged a protest with China because the islets are “no doubt an inherent territory of our country historically and based on international law.”

He added Japan will enhance its surveillance of nearby waters.
On Friday, Japanese fighter jets were scrambled in response to two Chinese and two Russian bombers flying over the Sea of Japan and the East China Sea, the ministry said.

It has also recently confirmed that a total of three Chinese and Russian naval ships had entered the East China Sea through the Tsushima Strait in Japan’s southwest.


 

Zagdid

Veteran Member

China unapologetic, says two Philippine boats ‘trespassing’ in South China Sea
BY MALOU TALOSIG-BARTOLOME NOVEMBER 20, 2021

China was unapologetic in the face of scathing remarks by Philippine Foreign Affairs Secretary Teodoro Locsin Jr. for blocking and firing water cannon at two Philippine boats carrying food supply to Filipino soldiers in Ayungin Shoal in West Philippines.

Zhao Lijian, Chinese foreign ministry spokesman, said the Philippine boats “trespassed into the waters” near Ayungin Shoal (international name: Second Thomas Shoal, Chinese name: Ren’ai Jiao) Tuesday.

“Chinese Coast Guard vessels performed official duties in accordance with law and upheld China’s territorial sovereignty and maritime order,” Zhao said during his daily briefing with reporters Thursday.

Manila strongly protested the action, insisting that the reef is part of Philippine territory and maritime sovereign rights. Locsin also made reference to the US-PHL Mutual Defense Treaty that could be invoked if a Philippine public vessel is attacked.

Zhao said the “sea area” in the West Philippine Sea “is generally tranquil.”
“China and the Philippines are in communication on this,” he added.

Locsin said he respects China’s right to say whatever it wants to say. But he drew the line when Chinese Coast Guard used water cannon on the Philippine boats.

“It’s a free world; we can both claim and say whatever we want. It is what we do that matters. It all turns on the water cannon,” the country’s top envoy said.
 

Jaybird

Veteran Member
His deeds and other words don't match these words....
They will take whatever they can. Words don't really matter to them. It is just one more lie in a series of lies. They own the south china sea because no one has broke his nose. There is a war coming......
 

jward

passin' thru
China’s Hypersonic Mystery Weapon Released Its Own Payload And Nobody Knows Why
The mystery surrounding China's hypersonic vehicle test last summer has deepened after the craft reportedly launched its own projectile.
By Joseph Trevithick Thomas Newdick Tyler Rogoway November 22, 2021


China Hypersonic Missile
Daderot/Wikicommons/Russian YouTube Screencap

A new report says that China’s apparent nuclear-capable hypersonic glide vehicle ejected some kind of payload while barreling through the atmosphere, in its much-discussed test this past summer. If true, this would indicate an intriguing new capability for this already novel weapon, albeit one the function of which is not entirely clear. You can read our original reporting on this ostensible milestone test here.
The Financial Times yesterday reported that China’s puzzling weapon test on July 27 included the presumed hypersonic glide vehicle launching some kind of payload over the South China Sea “as it approached its target traveling at least five times the speed of sound.”



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CHINESE SPACE AGENCY

A Long March 2C rocket of the type thought to have been used in the July 27 trial flight involving a hypersonic glide vehicle.




Until now, reports had described a glide vehicle of the type intended to travel into space and traverse the globe in an orbital-like fashion before making its run through the atmosphere toward its target, what’s known as a Fractional Orbital Bombardment System, or FOBS. In this sense, it seemed to have much in common with certain Cold War-era concepts. FOBS offers key advantages in that it can launch strikes from the opposite direction that a large amount of existing early warning infrastructure is aimed at, doing so in a flight profile that is lower than what those systems are geared to provide early warning for.



message-editor%2F1637612226114-hypersonicgraphic.jpeg

GAO

A graphic offering a basic look at the difference in flight paths between hypersonic glide vehicles and more conventional hypersonic and ballistic missiles.


Aside from the FOBS capability, a hypersonic glide vehicle already offers a less predictable flight path than what traditional ballistic missiles can provide, with the ability to make maneuvers within the atmosphere. This includes during its run-in to its target, making it even harder to detect and defend against.In a recent interview with CBS News, predating the latest revelation, General John Hyten, vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, described the July 27 test as having involved “a long-range missile.” Hyten added: “It went around the world, dropped off a hypersonic glide vehicle that glided all the way back to China, that impacted a target in China.”



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U.S. Air Force/Airman 1st Class Dennis Hoffman

General John Hyten, vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the No. 2 person in the U.S. military.


Now, citing “people familiar with the intelligence,” Demetri Sevastopulo at the FT reports that the glide vehicle in question fired a “separate missile mid-flight in the atmosphere.”
Adding to the overall confusion, the same FT article switches between references to a missile being launched, and delivery of unspecified countermeasures, before referencing unnamed experts who point to the use of these countermeasures as evidence of China’s supposed lead over Russia and the United States in terms of hypersonic weapons.
On the other hand, the White House declined to provide the FT with a comment on the new development, instead offering a blanket statement on the original July 27 test, which it described as “concerning to us as it should be to all who seek peace and stability in the region and beyond.” Also approached by the newspaper for comment was the Chinese Embassy in London, which denied any knowledge of the weapons test having taken place.

Overall, the tone of the reporting is fairly breathless, with a description of “Pentagon scientists […] caught off guard by the advance,” although it is notably thin on actual details of the system, especially how it would be expected to be relevant in a wartime scenario, or even how this the test could lead to such a system. In the meantime, however, some of the more extreme claims made seem to have been removed from the article.
While Sevastopulo at one point describes this payload simply as another missile, the same article notes that “some Pentagon experts believe the projectile was an air-to-air missile,” which seems as illogical as it is improbable. At the same time, the article cites a counter view from unnamed “experts at DARPA” who assume the payload actually consisted of some kind of countermeasures intended to defeat missile defense systems like those now being developed in the United States.
We are told, furthermore, that the DARPA experts are “unsure how China managed to fire countermeasures from a vehicle traveling at hypersonic speeds.” While the release of objects from vehicles flying at hypersonic speeds is an established practice in space — with intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) for example — the difference here is the claim that the payload was released in the atmosphere.

Atmospheric release of a payload at hypersonic speeds by a glide vehicle could well be indicative of a significant technological breakthrough, especially if it involved a guided missile. Either way, this kind of feat is by no means easy to achieve without destabilizing the mothership glider as it careens through the sky at thousands of miles per hour.

People seriously underestimate the challenges surrounding successfully releasing a guided weapon at hypersonic speeds and it achieving stable flight.
— Tyler Rogoway (@Aviation_Intel) November 22, 2021

With all this in mind, it seems clear we have no real idea, at this stage, of what was ejected from the hypersonic vehicle, and for what reason. The FT adds that whatever was launched had “no obvious target of its own, before plunging into the [South China Sea].”
Then there’s the question of whether the test described by the FT is genuinely the first of its kind, or simply the first that’s known about by the sources in question. After all, the July 27 test was followed up by another on August 13 and it’s unclear if this also involved the ejection of some kind of payload.

Chinese officials, for their part, said that the initial reporting by the FT confused a test involving a peaceful reusable spaceplane for a weaponized system, a claim that The War Zone debunked here.
However, the latest revelations, on the surface at least, do seem to suggest the possibility of some type of reusable vehicle with a payload capability, perhaps similar to proposals for a bomber version of the U.S. Air Force's X-20 Dyna-Soar that was developed by Boeing during the 1960s. This possibility now seems to be gaining ground among nuclear policy experts, as well.

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NASA

DynaSoar was partly conceptualized (but never deployed) as a manned hypersonic nuclear bomber (meant to cover intercontinental ranges). The Chinese weapon seems to be an unmanned DynaSoar of sorts.
— Ankit Panda (@nktpnd) November 22, 2021

Other possibilities include the release of a reentry vehicle, similar to those used on ICBMs, during its flight through the atmosphere. At first glance, this would actually make some sense as it seems feasible and would allow the system to hit two targets along its flight path instead of one, but dealing with so much additional complexity to enable such a capability makes little sense when you look at the big picture. Another possibility is the release of some kind of other payload during the lower-altitude end-stage of flight. Whether a hypersonic glide vehicle or a spaceplane, the vehicle would have been able to maneuver to modulate the speed and trajectory for whatever it was launching, at least to a limited degree.

Interestingly, since at least 2019, the Office of the Secretary of Defense and the U.S. Army have been exploring the idea of deploying a loitering munition from some kind of platform, possibly a ballistic missile, flying at hypersonic speeds as part of a program called Vintage Racer. Details about this system and how it is supposed to work are extremely limited. The Army has separately discussed the possibility of using its future Precision Strike Missile (PrSM) ballistic missile to deploy swarms of loitering munitions or other kinds of drones. While there are some broad similarities in the little we know about these concepts—China's recent test and the Vintage Racer initiative—there is nothing to say that they are related in any meaningful way.


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US Army

A graphic from a 2019 US Army briefing slide depicting how a PrSM ballistic missile might deploy a swarm of loitering munitions.

Whatever the truth might be behind China's July 27 test, and Beijing’s emerging hypersonic technologies — which include the in-service DF-17 that also makes use of a hypersonic glide vehicle — it’s clear that the country’s People’s Liberation Army Rocket Forces (PLARF) are making significant strides across a range of capabilities, including an apparently fast-expanding ICBM force.



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CHINESE INTERNET

Mock-ups of the DF-17, which uses the rocket booster from the DF-16B short-range ballistic missile. On top, instead of a traditional warhead, is an unpowered hypersonic boost-glide vehicle.

The hypersonic advances are something that U.S. officials have been alluding to increasingly in recent months, especially as apparent Chinese progress is weighed up against high-profile test failures for equivalent U.S. weapons.
General Hyten described the FOBS-capable hypersonic glide vehicle as “a first-use weapon,” noting that “from a technology perspective, it’s pretty impressive […] I think it probably should create a sense of urgency.”
In this context, “first-use” refers to the types of weapons optimized for launching a first strike, potentially upsetting the nuclear balance between China and the United States. Beijing’s previous nuclear posture was based upon ‘minimum deterrence,’ with a smaller overall weapons stockpile. U.S. officials have predicted that China’s nuclear arsenal will grow from the current estimated figure in the low 200s to up to 1,000 warheads by 2030.
Meanwhile, back in September, Secretary of the Air Force Frank Kendall also raised the possibility of the Chinese military working on a FOBS-like weapon at the Air Force Association’s annual Air, Space & Cyber Conference. “If you use that kind of an approach, you don’t have to use a traditional ICBM trajectory,” he said. “It’s a way to avoid defenses and missile warning systems.”

With all this in mind, the case for hypersonic defense is only becoming more urgent.
In the United States, for example, Rear Admiral Tom Druggan, the program executive for Aegis ballistic missile defense, last week described the SM-6 missile as “our leading defense capability for hypersonic missile defense.” Druggan added that the island of Guam “would absolutely need” the SM-6 missile to defend against these kinds of attacks. Guam is well known to be a key target for Chinese missile attacks in a wider conflict. The Missile Defense Agency, or MDA, has also recently selected Raytheon, Lockheed Martin, and Northrop Grumman to compete in developing a new Glide Phase Interceptor (GPI), intended to defeat hypersonic missiles in the midcourse portion of their unpowered flight.

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U.S. Navy
The Arleigh Burke class guided-missile destroyer USS John Paul Jones (DDG53) launches a Standard Missile-6 (SM-6) during a live-fire test of the ship’s Aegis weapons system in June 2014.

Back in June, the MDA provided an animated video presentation that specifically laid outs its “multi-layered solution to defend against the next generation of hypersonic glide vehicles.” Countering maneuvering hypersonic threats is incredibly challenging and includes very small windows for engagement. As it sits now, there is no robust defense against these systems.

While in many ways perplexing, the limited evidence pointing to the release of some kind of payload by the hypersonic vehicle used in the July 27 test seems to suggest China is working on a truly novel set of advanced technologies. However, with so little information currently available in the public realm, it’s too early to make any hard conclusions about the nature of exactly what was tested and what its impact could be on the already in flux strategic landscape vis-a-vis China.
Contact the author: thomas@thedrive.com
 

Housecarl

On TB every waking moment
Hummm.....

Posted for fair use.....

China backs nuclear weapon-free zone in Southeast Asia in move to ‘contain Aukus’
  • President Xi Jinping told Asean leaders that Beijing is willing to sign protocol to the treaty ‘as early as possible’
  • It has indicated it will do so for more than two decades, and observers say the security alliance could speed up the process
Topic | Aukus alliance

Amber Wang

Amber Wang
in Beijing
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Published: 7:00am, 24 Nov, 2021

China has voiced support for a nuclear weapon-free zone in Southeast Asia as it seeks to strengthen regional alliances, pushed by concerns over the new Aukus security pact, according to observers.

While Beijing has yet to sign the protocol to the Asean treaty to keep nuclear weapons out of the region – despite indicating a willingness to do so for more than two decades – pressure from the new partnership between Australia, the UK and the US could speed up the process, they said.

President Xi Jinping told Association of Southeast Asian Nations leaders on Monday that China backed efforts to build a nuclear weapon-free zone and was willing to sign the protocol to the treaty “as early as possible”....(Rest behind paywall. HC)
 

jward

passin' thru
Kremlin Informs China: 10 US Strategic Bombers Trained To Use Nukes Against Russia This Month
by Tyler Durden

3-4 minutes


Russia's Defense Ministry informed China on Tuesday that US strategic bombers recently conducted training exercises which envisioned Russia as a target for nuclear strikes.
Speaking to Chinese Defense Minister and top PLA General Wei Fenghe, Russia's defense chief Sergey Shoigu described that "this month, during US strategic forces exercise Global Thunder, ten strategic bombers practiced the option of using nuclear weapons against Russia almost simultaneously from the Western and Eastern directions."
China and Russia defense chiefs during prior "routine" joint war games, via AP
Crucially he emphasized the threat is ultimately aimed at China too, as "such actions of the US strategic bomber aviation pose a threat not only to Russia but also to China," according to the remarks cited in state media.
He also informed the PLA chief that "We are witnessing a considerable increase in the US strategic bombers' activity near the Russian borders. Over the past month, they conducted about 30 flights to the borders of the Russian Federation, or 2.5 times more compared to the same period of last year."
The virtual meeting among the defense chiefs came as Washington and some European allies, including officials in Kiev, have charged the Kremlin with a threatening build-up of forces near Ukraine, and after the Biden administration was reported to have briefed the European partners that Russia is "planning an invasion" of eastern Ukraine.
The militaristic rhetoric has only grown as a result, with US News and World Report describing that tensions are dangerously approaching a breaking point:
Through a series of public statements and posts through its state news services, leaders in Russia on Monday presented the unified case that Ukraine was needlessly deploying its military forces to challenge Russia’s sovereignty and its nearby interests, that rising concern in the West of military action by Moscow represents only an attempt by Kyiv to mask its own intentions to do so, that the Western-backed peace process for the conflict in Ukraine is broken and that Kyiv’s allies in Europe and North America are not prepared to back up their pledges of support.
So it appears Moscow is ready to call what it sees as the West's bluff over Ukraine. For now both sides continue "playing chicken" with their growing and threatening rhetoric.
The Kremlin has blasted the Western reports as a disinformation campaign, and it's likely that Shoigu's very bold public statements to his Chinese counterpart are meant as a warning related to the rising tensions with NATO over Ukraine as well as the Belarus-Poland migrant crisis.
Shoigu had further emphasized that Russian and Chinese troops are increasingly "interacting on land, sea, and air" - noting the fact that as both countries have come under Washington pressure in recent years, their "trusting and friendly" strategic cooperation has only deepened, now with routine military cooperation and drills.
Gen. Fenghe appeared in full agreement, according to the meeting summary in Russian press reports, saying, "I also support your vision of the military threat to our countries coming from the United States of America."

 

Zagdid

Veteran Member


Russia to enter South China Sea theater with first joint naval exercise with Asean next week
IANS | Nov 24, 2021, 07.40 PM IST

NEW DELHI: Russia will hold the first-ever joint naval exercises with the member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) in the South China Sea, starting next Wednesday.
Alexander Ivanov, Russia's Permanent Representative to Asean, has revealed that the exercises will be held in the region of North Sumatra from December 1-3 and Moscow will be sending its large anti-submarine ship Admiral Panteleev, which is part of the Pacific Fleet of the Russian Navy, to take part in them.

"The decision to hold joint naval exercises was made at the Fourth Russia-Asean Summit, which was attended by Russian President Vladimir Putin on October 28, 2021, by videoconference. The meeting was timed to coincide with the 30th anniversary of the establishment of relations, which is celebrated this year between our country and the association, "the diplomat told RIA Novosti, the state-owned domestic news agency of Russia.

The head of the diplomatic mission said that several decisions were taken in the summit to develop the strategic partnership between Russia and Asean.

"The exercises are aimed at practicing interaction between the Russian Navy and the Navy of the Asean member countries to ensure the safety of maritime commercial activities and navigation and will be divided into two phases - virtual and maritime," said Ivanov.

He informed that Prabovo Subiyanto, the defence minister of Indonesia, is planning to inaugurate the exercise from the Russian destroyer.

As reported by IndiaNarrative.com, Moscow is enhancing defence partnerships with like-minded partners in the region, including India. Secretary of the Russian Security Council Nikolay Patrushev was in Colombo on Monday to define the Kremlin's renewed focus on South Asia.
 

TheDoberman

Veteran Member
any current confirmed reports of Chinese civilian fleet cargo ships being pulled from cargo duty and simply disappearing?
This might be a pretty big dot...

 

jward

passin' thru
Japan Approves Record Extra Defense Budget

Amid growing threats in East Asia, the Japanese cabinet approved a record extra budget for defense appropriations.


By Kosuke Takahashi

November 26, 2021
Japan Approves Record Extra Defense Budget

Japan’s latest submarine, Hakugei, the second Taigei-class unit in the Japan Maritime Self Defense Force’s (JMSDF) new class of diesel-electric attack submarines, was launched and named in Kobe City on October 14, 2021.
Credit: Kosuke Takahashi

The cabinet of Japanese Prime Minister Kishida Fumio approved on November 26 773.8 billion yen ($6.7 billion) defense spending in the fiscal 2021 supplementary budget amid growing military threats from North Korea, China, and Russia.
Including U.S. Forces realignment-related expenses allocated for mitigating impacts on local communities, this marked a record figure for defense appropriations in history in an extra budget.
Combined with the nation’s highest-ever 5.34 trillion yen initial budget for fiscal 2021, started in April, the total defense budget for this fiscal year reached more than 6 trillion yen for the first time, hitting a record high for the seventh straight year and surpassing the long-standing cap of 1 percent of gross domestic product.

These budgets reflect Tokyo’s resolve “to bolster its own national defense capabilities to further strengthen the US-Japan alliance and regional security,” as pledged by then-Prime Minister Suga Yoshihide and U.S. President Joe Biden in their April summit in Washington, D.C..
The budgets also indicate new Prime Minister Kishida’s commitment to continue the policies of his two predecessors, Abe Shinzo and Suga, of playing a bigger role in the Sea of Japan , East China Sea, South China Sea and the wider Western Pacific and Indo-Pacific theater, as it steps up efforts to bolster its missile defense capabilities and Tokyo’s ability to defend Japan’s southern remote islands.
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Tokyo also aims to establish superiority in the new domains of outer space, electronic warfare, and cyberspace in response to military modernization in North Korea and China, and the latter’s maritime assertiveness in the region.
The extra budget earmarks 97.8 billion yen for the enhancement of the country’s integrated air and missile defense (IAMD) system. In particular, it allocates 44.1 billion yen to buy Patriot Advanced Capability 3 (PAC-3) Missile Segment Enhancement (MSE) missiles and related support equipment. The Ministry of Defense in Tokyo also secured 10.3 billion yen to acquire the surface-to-air missile (SAM) system, called KBSAM in short in Japanese, to protect the Japan Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) bases from cruise missiles and air-to-surface missiles (ASMs).

In addition, the Japan Ground Self-Defense Force (JGSDF) secured 2.6 billion yen to acquire the improved Type-03 (also known as the Chū-SAM Kai) medium-range SAM to enhance air defense.

With the additional funding, the Ministry of Defense also plans to increase maritime patrol aircraft, naval mines, torpedoes and other hardware. Specifically, the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF) was allocated 65.8 billion yen to acquire three Kawasaki P-1 maritime patrol aircraft and 1.9 billion yen to buy two engines for the aircraft. It also secured 8.4 billion yen to acquire the vertical launch system for two 3,900 ton-class multirole frigates for the service.
The JMSDF was also allocated 21.7 billion yen to acquire an unspecified number of Type 12 lightweight torpedo, the new Type 18 heavyweight torpedo (which will replace the in-service Type 89 torpedo) and the Type 07 Vertical Launch Anti-submarine rocket, which is a Japanese ship-launched anti-submarine missile.
The Japan Air Self-Defense Force (JASDF) was allocated 24.3 billion yen to acquire one Kawasaki C-2 airlifter and 8.1 billion yen to buy two engines for the aircraft.

The JGSDF secured 25.4 billion yen to acquire 13 new Subaru UH-2 twin-engine, multirole helicopters to be used by the service for a range of missions, including assisting in the defense of the country’s remote islands and transporting goods and personnel in the event of natural disasters.
The JGSDF was also allocated 4.1 billion yen to establish the casern of a new camp on the southwestern Ishigaki Island in Okinawa Prefecture where, during fiscal year 2022, it plans to deploy surface-to-air and anti-ship missile batteries, along with about 570 troops. The island is located 170 km southeast of the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands, which are controlled by Tokyo, but also claimed by Beijing and Taiwan.

Defense officials said that most of new equipment was initially set for purchase in the next fiscal 2022 budget, but the Ministry of Defense’s request was brought forward into the supplementary budget, signaling a sense of urgency amid the increasingly tense security environment surrounding Japan. It is very rare for Tokyo to buy new equipment with money from an extra budget.
Officials also said the total of 428.7 billion yen, or 55 percent of the supplementary budget, will be used for the improvement of the financial situations of Japanese defense firms as what the Ministry of Defense calls “obligatory outlay expenses” by making advance payments and reducing interest payment burdens, as those firms have deteriorated earnings amid the COVID-19 pandemic.
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During the general election campaign in October, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) led by Kishida pledged in its manifesto to double the country’s defense spending from 1 percent to 2 percent of GDP, with an eye toward the defense spending goals of NATO countries (more than 2 percent of GDP). The party’s campaign agenda got a major boost from North Korea’s repeated missile launches and Russian and Chinese warships’ first ever joint patrol in the western part of the Pacific Ocean surrounding the Japanese archipelago.

The party said that it will “drastically reconsider” the country’s response to China’s growing assertiveness across the Taiwan Strait and the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands as well as to the growing nuclear and missile threat posed by North Korea.
The LDP also pledged to beef up the nation’s deterrence by acquiring “capabilities to block [intercept] ballistic missiles even in the territory of an opponent,” and vowed to intensify research and development efforts on “game-changing” military technologies such as artificial intelligence and hypersonic weapons.
In addition, the party said it will “quickly seek” to make four revisions to the Japanese Constitution, including inscribing in it the existence of the JSDF.
Authors
Guest Author
Kosuke Takahashi

Kosuke Takahashi is a Tokyo correspondent for Jane’s Defence Weekly and former editor-in-chief of HuffPost Japan.
 

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The Mainichi (Japan Daily News)
@themainichi


Japan PM Kishida says enemy base strike capabilities option to boost defense
Japan PM Kishida says enemy base strike capabilities option to boost defense

November 27, 2021 (Mainichi Japan)


6.jpg



Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, standing in a convertible, attends an annual troop review of Japan's Self-Defense Forces at the Asaka garrison of the Ground Self-Defense Force, in Tokyo's Nerima Ward, on Nov. 27, 2021. (Pool photo)
TOKYO (Kyodo) -- Prime Minister Fumio Kishida said Saturday that Japan will strengthen its necessary defense power and consider all options including the acquisition of enemy base strike capabilities.

In a speech at a Ground Self-Defense Force base, Kishida expressed concern about North Korea's rapid development of missile technology and China's military expansion.

When Japan revises its foreign and security policies, Kishida said all options will be on the table including the idea of giving the Self-Defense Forces the capability to strike at hostile enemy bases.

The idea of Japan possessing such an attack capability is delicate as the SDF has strict restrictions on its use of force under the war-renouncing Constitution.

Kishida said Japan "cannot overlook (North Korea's) recent development and improvement of new technologies such as hypersonic glide weapons and missiles with irregular orbits."

He also said China continues to strengthen its military "without sufficient transparency" and is making "unilateral attempts to change the status quo."

The prime minister, who took office in early October, made the comments when he reviewed the GSDF at the Asaka base straddling Tokyo and Saitama Prefecture, with Defense Minister Nobuo Kishi.

The event was downscaled due to precautions against the risk of coronavirus and there was no parade by GSDF members.

Kishida, who boarded combat vehicles at the base, also said a team comprised of officials from the foreign and defense ministries has been sent to Djibouti to investigate the situation in Ethiopia, where fighting in its civil war intensifies.

The team is tasked with finding if Japanese nationals living in Ethiopia need to be evacuated with the use of an SDF plane.

The Japanese government has been asking them to leave Ethiopia while commercial flights are available. According to a Foreign Ministry official, there are a few dozen Japanese people still in the African country.
 

The Snack Artist

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Indo-Pacific News - Watching the CCP-China Threat
@IndoPac_Info

47m

#China to take over #Uganda’s Entebbe International Airport & other assets for debt default China rejected Uganda's request to re-negotiate toxic clauses in the $200m loan done 6 years ago to expand the Airport. That's the only Int. Airport in Uganda.
View: https://twitter.com/IndoPac_Info/status/1464618861051842565?s=20
This is the reason Venezuela is bankrupt. They pledged hard assets to cover loans from jyna. They promised to pay the loan in oil. Oil went down. So did Venezuela. The world looks the other way when the frikkin nations are fleeced and over run by the jynese. They play the looong game. We play x-box.
 

Housecarl

On TB every waking moment
Hummm......

Posted for fair use.....

Leaked Documents Detail Xi Jinping’s Extensive Role in Xinjiang Crackdown
Records of internal speeches released by U.K.-based panel show how China’s leader set the blueprint for vast campaign of forcible assimilation against Uyghurs, other groups
A million or more Uyghurs and others have been locked up in internment camps in Xinjiang, human-rights activists and scholars say. The entrance to the Urumqi No. 3 Detention Center in Dabancheng, Xinjiang, in April. MARK SCHIEFELBEIN/ASSOCIATED PRESS





By Josh Chin
Updated Nov. 30, 2021 10:43 am ET

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A panel of lawyers and activists in the U.K. has published what it describes as leaked Chinese government documents that shed additional light on the role leader Xi Jinping played in directing the Communist Party’s campaign of forcible assimilation against religious minorities in the country’s northwestern region of Xinjiang.

Copies of the documents, some marked top secret, describe internal speeches delivered by Mr. Xi and other senior party leaders regarding circumstances in Xinjiang between 2014 and 2017, the period when the assimilation campaign was conceived and launched.
The documents show Mr. Xi warning about the dangers of religious influence and unemployment among minorities, and emphasizing the importance of “population proportion,” or the balance between minorities and Han Chinese, for maintaining control in the region.
The document copies were posted on Tuesday to the website of the Uyghur Tribunal, a nongovernment group that has convened hearings in London about allegations of human-rights abuses committed against Ugyhurs, the largest minority group in Xinjiang.

Adrian Zenz, a Minnesota-based researcher of Chinese ethnic policy, said he was tapped by the Uyghur Tribunal to authenticate the documents, which he did with the help of two peer reviewers.

The documents are likely among a cache reported on by the New York Times in 2019, Mr. Zenz said. The New York Times published the text of roughly a dozen pages, but did not fully reproduce any one document. Mr. Zenz said that while the New York Times report showed Mr. Xi’s direct involvement in planning the party’s campaign in Xinjiang, the complete collection of documents paints a fuller picture.

“The personal influence of Xi on many details of this atrocity is significantly greater than we realized,” he said.

China’s Foreign Ministry accused Mr. Zenz and the Uyghur Tribunal of spreading rumors, adding that the tribunal had no legal standing. “No matter how these anti-China clowns perform, the development of China’s Xinjiang will only be better and better,” it said.
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More of Xi Jinping’s role in directing the Communist Party’s campaign in Xinjiang is revealed in the documents. His image was shown on a screen in Kashgar, Xinjiang, in 2019.
PHOTO: AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES

The source of the leak couldn’t be determined. A spokeswoman for the New York Times confirmed that the documents released by the Uyghur Tribunal were reported on by the newspaper in 2019, adding that the newspaper didn’t leak them to the tribunal.

Xinjiang, located on the doorstep of Central Asia, is home to roughly 14 million Turkic-speaking Uyghurs and other predominantly Muslim minorities. Human-rights activists and scholars say Chinese authorities in the region have locked up a million or more Uyghurs and other minorities in internment camps as part of a sweeping ethnic-assimilation campaign that also includes restrictions on religious practices, political indoctrination, forced labor, family separations and strict imposition of birth-control measures.

The Communist Party’s policies in Xinjiang have led to sanctions from the U.S. and other Western countries and helped drive calls among human-rights activists to boycott the coming 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics.

Chinese authorities describe the camps as vocational training facilities and portray their campaign in the region as an innovative approach to confronting religious extremism. For decades, Beijing has battled a small and sporadically violent separatist movement in Xinjiang, which occupies a central place in Mr. Xi’s trillion-dollar infrastructure project, the Belt and Road Initiative.

Scholars trace the party’s campaign in Xinjiang to a series of attacks by Uyghur separatists, including one in Beijing and another in the southwestern city of Kunming, in 2013 and 2014. Mr. Xi visited Xinjiang shortly after the Kunming attack, kicking off what he called a “people’s war on terror.”

Most of the documents published Tuesday date to the spring of 2014. In an accompanying overview, Mr. Zenz wrote that he authenticated the documents in part by comparing their contents against state media reports about the party’s campaign in Xinjiang and other government documents later made public.

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Adrian Zenz, a Minnesota-based researcher of Chinese ethnic policy, said he was tapped by the Uyghur Tribunal to authenticate the documents.
PHOTO: GJESTVANG, ANDREA

The Uyghur Tribunal decided not to publish the original documents in order to protect the source of the leak, according to Mr. Zenz. Instead, it published transcriptions of the originals that reproduce their appearance and content, minus any markings that might reveal their origin.

In numerous instances, Mr. Zenz noted, phrases first uttered by Mr. Xi in the 2014 speeches later appeared in government policy documents or were repeated by and attributed to other senior officials.

A transcript of a speech Mr. Xi gave at a meeting on Xinjiang in May 2014, for example, quotes him saying the Communist Party “must not hesitate or waver in the use of the weapons of the people’s democratic dictatorship and focus our energy on executing a crushing blow” against the forces of religious extremism in Xinjiang.

The official Xinjiang Daily newspaper attributed virtually the same quote to the region’s then-top official, Zhang Chunxian, the following month.

Mr. Xi’s May 2014 speech also foreshadowed a sweeping labor program for Uyghurs in textiles and other industries that labor activists allege often involves coercion, and which has led to a U.S. ban on imported products made using Xinjiang cotton.

“Xinjiang’s employment problems are prominent. Large numbers of unemployed people left to idle about are liable to provoke trouble,” Mr. Xi said, according to the document. Work in enterprises, by contrast, is “conducive to ethnic interaction, exchanges and blending.”

In another previously unpublished speech, Mr. Xi argued that “population proportion and population security are important foundations for long-term peace and stability.” The phrase was repeated word-for-word six years later by a senior Xinjiang official in warning that the Han Chinese share of the population in Uyghur-dominated southern Xinjiang was “too low” at 15%.

“One sentence by Xi is enough to influence an entire policy,” Mr. Zenz said.

The documents show Mr. Xi drawing a distinction between “the pure spirit of religion” and religious extremism, arguing that “normal religious activities and the legal rights of the religious world must be protected.” But the Chinese leader also rails against what he describes as religious interference in matters of “secular life,” such as marriage, funerals and the finding of spouses, according to the documents.

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Chinese police and paramilitary patrolled the streets in Kunming, in southwestern China, after an attack at the main train station there in 2014, one of two attacks to which scholars trace the Communist Party’s campaign in Xinjiang.
PHOTO: AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES

In practice, as The Wall Street Journal has reported, Uyghurs in Xinjiang have been threatened with detention or sent to camps for engaging in a variety of commonplace religious practices such as praying daily and owning a Quran.

“Where religion impinges on matters of the state—and of course ‘matters of the state’ is everything, nearly—then that’s religious extremism and is to be combatted,” Mr. Zenz said.

The leaked documents also contain the text of a 2017 speech by Xinjiang Communist Party boss Chen Quanguo, in which he directly links the internment camps to orders from Beijing, listing them alongside the region’s mass surveillance platform as an example of efforts to “fully implement the central goal” laid out for Xinjiang by Mr. Xi.

The Uyghur Tribunal received 11 document files totalling 300 pages, according to Mr. Zenz. They don’t include a question-and-answer script prepared by Xinjiang officials laying out what to say to returning Uyghurs about detained family members that was part of the 2019 New York Times report.

The tribunal published transcripts of only three of the 11 documents on Tuesday, with other transcripts to be released in the future, Mr. Zenz said.

David Tobin, a Xinjiang scholar at the U.K.’s University of Sheffield, and James Millward, a Georgetown University historian, reviewed the original documents and Mr. Zenz’s analysis. While many of the ideas about religion and management of ethnic minorities have appeared previously in China, Mr. Tobin said, the leaked documents mark a shift because they come from the center of power.

“It’s not an ideology for you to study or ponder, it’s an order,” he said of the message Mr. Xi is sending to officials. “You can’t resist or object.”

Write to Josh Chin at josh.chin@wsj.com

Corrections & Amplifications
The New York Times in 2019 published the text of roughly a dozen pages of leaked Chinese government documents related to Xinjiang but didn’t fully reproduce any one document. An earlier version of this article incorrectly said that the newspaper had published the full text of a few of the documents. (Corrected on Nov. 30.)
Copyright ©2021 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved. 87990cbe856818d5eddac44c7b1cdeb8
Appeared in the December 1, 2021, print edition as 'Xi’s Xinjiang Role Detailed in Leaks.'
 

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EXCLUSIVE China protested Indonesian drilling, military exercises
By Tom Allard and Kate Lamb, Agustinus Beo Da Costa



6 minute read
Indonesia's Deputy Minister for Maritime Affairs Arif Havas Oegroseno points at the location of North Natuna Sea on a new map of Indonesia during talks with reporters in Jakarta, Indonesia, July 14, 2017.  REUTERS/Beawiharta/File Photo

Indonesia's Deputy Minister for Maritime Affairs Arif Havas Oegroseno points at the location of North Natuna Sea on a new map of Indonesia during talks with reporters in Jakarta, Indonesia, July 14, 2017. REUTERS/Beawiharta/File Photo
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SYDNEY/JAKARTA, Dec 1 (Reuters) - China told Indonesia to stop drilling for oil and natural gas in maritime territory that both countries regard as their own during a months-long standoff in the South China Sea earlier this year, four people familiar with the matter told Reuters.

The unprecedented demand, which has not previously been reported, elevated tensions over natural resources between the two countries in a volatile area of global strategic and economic importance.


One letter from Chinese diplomats to Indonesia's foreign ministry clearly told Indonesia to halt drilling at a temporary offshore rig because it was taking place in Chinese territory, according to Muhammad Farhan, an Indonesian lawmaker on parliament's national security committee, which was briefed on the letter.

"Our reply was very firm, that we are not going to stop the drilling because it is our sovereign right," Farhan told Reuters.


A spokesman for Indonesia's foreign ministry said: "Any diplomatic communication between states is private in nature and its content cannot be shared." He declined further comment.

China's embassy in Indonesia's capital Jakarta did not respond to a request for comment.


Three other people, who said they were briefed on the matter, confirmed the existence of the letter. Two of those people said China made repeated demands that Indonesia stop drilling.

Southeast Asia's biggest nation says the southern end of the South China Sea is its exclusive economic zone under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and named the area as the North Natuna Sea in 2017.

During a months-long standoff at sea, China demanded Indonesia stop drilling for oil and gas at the Tuna Block in the South China Sea, an area which both countries say is part of their sovereign territory.

During a months-long standoff at sea, China demanded Indonesia stop drilling for oil and gas at the Tuna Block in the South China Sea, an area which both countries say is part of their sovereign territory.
China objected to the name change and insists the waterway is within its expansive territorial claim in the South China Sea that it marks with a U-shaped "nine-dash line," a boundary found to have no legal basis by the Permanent Court of Arbitration in the Hague in 2016.

"It (the letter) was a bit threatening because it was the first effort of China's diplomats to push their nine-dash line agenda against our rights under the Law of the Sea," Farhan told Reuters.

China is Indonesia's biggest trade partner and second-largest source of investment, making it a key part of Indonesia's ambition to become a top-tier economy. Indonesian leaders kept quiet about the matter in order to avoid conflict or a diplomatic spat with China, Farhan and two of the other people who spoke to Reuters said.

Farhan said that China, in a separate letter, also protested against the predominantly land-based Garuda Shield military exercises in August, which took place during the standoff.

The exercises, involving 4,500 troops from the United States and Indonesia, have been a regular event since 2009. This was China's first protest against them, according to Farhan. "In their formal letter, the Chinese government was expressing their concern about the security stability in the area," he said.

TENSIONS AT SEA

Within days of the Noble Clyde Boudreaux semi-submersible rig arriving at the Tuna Block in the Natuna Sea to drill two appraisal wells on June 30, a Chinese Coast Guard vessel was at the scene, according to ship movement data. It was soon joined by an Indonesian Coast Guard vessel.

In response to questions from Reuters, China's foreign ministry said the Chinese Coast Guard ship was "carrying out normal patrol activities in waters under Chinese jurisdiction." It did not respond to questions about communications with Indonesia over the drilling.

China's defence ministry did not respond to requests for comment.

Over the next four months, Chinese and Indonesian ships shadowed each other around the oil and gas field, frequently coming within 1 nautical mile of each other, according to an analysis of ship identification data and satellite imagery by the Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative (AMTI), a project run by the U.S.-based Center for Strategic and International Studies.

Data and images reviewed by AMTI and the Indonesia Ocean Justice Initiative (IOJI), a Jakarta-based independent think-tank, shows a Chinese research ship, Haiyang Dizhi 10, arrived in the area in late August, spending most of the next seven weeks moving slowly in a grid pattern of the adjacent D-Alpha Block, an oil and gas reserve also in contested waters, valued at $500 billion by Indonesian government studies.

"Based on the pattern of movement, nature, and ownership of the vessel, it looked like it was conducting a scientific survey of the D-Alpha reserve," said Jeremia Humolong, a researcher at the IOJI.

On Sept. 25, the American aircraft carrier USS Ronald Reagan came within 7 nautical miles of the Tuna Block drilling rig. "This is the first observed instance of a U.S. aircraft carrier operating in such proximity to an ongoing standoff" in the South China Sea, AMTI said in a report published in November.

Four Chinese warships were also deployed to the area, according to the IOJI and local fishermen.

A spokesman for the U.S. Navy's Carrier Strike Group 5/Task Force 70 declined to disclose the carrier's distance from the rig.

'NEVER SURRENDER'

China is in negotiations with 10 Southeast Asian states, including Indonesia, to hammer out a code of conduct for the South China Sea, a waterway rich in natural resources carrying at least $3.4 trillion in annual trade. The talks, under the auspices of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), restarted this year after being stopped due to the pandemic.

Beijing's increasingly aggressive stance in the South China Sea has sparked concern in Jakarta, four sources told Reuters.

Indonesia has not made any formal claim to areas of the South China Sea under United Nations rules, believing the extent of its waters is already clearly set by international law.

Chinese president Xi Jinping has tried to play down tensions between it and Southeast Asian states, telling a China-ASEAN leaders summit last month that China "absolutely will not seek hegemony or even less, bully the small" in the region.

Farhan told Reuters Indonesia's government played down the tension of the standoff publicly. Its leaders wanted to be "as silent as possible because, if it was leaked to any media, it would create a diplomatic incident," he said.

The temporary rig operated until Nov. 19, after which it went to Malaysian waters. Indonesian security minister Mahfud M.D. went to the Natuna Sea last week. He said his visit had nothing to do with China, but said in a public statement that Indonesia would "never surrender an inch" of territory.

The drilling was completed on time, according to a spokesman for Harbour Energy, the operator of the Tuna Block. In a similar confrontation with China in 2017, Vietnam abandoned exploration activities. Harbour Energy is expected to issue an update on the drilling results on Dec. 9.

 

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Biden's Asia Czar Says China To Likely End Trade War "On Australia's Terms"
Tyler Durden's Photo

by Tyler Durden
Wednesday, Dec 01, 2021 - 11:30 PM
More than 18 months after China kicked off its campaign of economic coercion against Canberra targeting a range of key commodities including barley, wine, coal timber and lobsters - Australia has yet to be brought "to its knees" as officials in Beijing had been hoping for.
Though without doubt devastating for many Australian farmers and others in industries directly impacted by the $17bn China trade row, the data ultimately shows it's been Canberra's allies like the US picking up much of the slack.
President Joe Biden's top Asia adviser Kurt Campbell is now predicting eventual defeat for China, telling the Sydney-based Lowly Institute that he expects Beijing to waive the white flag and restore the trade relationship with Australia, and on Canberra's terms.
Image: AP
The past months have seen Australia-China relations reach their lowest point in history, given the already soaring tensions went to boiling point after Canberra on Sept.15 unveiled the 'AUKUS' nuclear submarine technology sharing deal with the US and Britain. Thus economic warfare unleashed alarming words among state officials threatening future literal war.
Campbell, who is point man on everything Indo-Pacific for the National Security Council, told the think tank in his statements, "I fully believe that over time, that China will re-engage with Australia. But it will, I believe, re-engage on Australian terms."
"I think China's preference would have been to break Australia," he underscored. "To drive Australia to its knees… I don't believe that's going to be the way it's going to play out."
"I believe that China will engage because it is in its own interest to have a good relationship with Australia," he concluded. He suggested that likely China, as Australia's largest trade and export partner - had never expected Canberra to weather the storm this long...
Mr Campbell said that China respected "strength" and that Australia's resolve in the face of the economic sanctions would strengthen its hand when dealing with the Chinese government.
Months ago outside observers began expressing surprise over Australia's economy standing up better than expected in the face of China's coercion.
Biden's 'Asia Czar' Kurt Campbell
Australian treasurer Josh Frydenberg has lately emphasized a theme that despite Beijing "willing to use its economic weight as a source of political pressure" it remains that his country's economy has shown "great resilience to date".
We noted starting in October that there are signs China is beginning to fold - for example reluctantly unloading Australian coal amid its recent power crunch despite its unofficial import ban.
 

Housecarl

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Jeff M. Smith
@Cold_Peace_



"Australia will no longer enjoy the benefit, the very rare privilege, of not being targeted with [Chinese] nuclear weapons."
View: https://twitter.com/Cold_Peace_/status/1466214593416548359?s=20

Mr. Gao, and the CCP may be in for a very bad surprise in how all of this "wolf diplomacy" pans out for them.

We talk about Japan being part of the "screwdriver club", well guess what folks, so is Australia. And while everyone is fixated upon that submarine deal, noise like this out of Beijing could easily turn into a situation where Australia makes a "2 key"deal akin to NATO if not just decide that rolling their own is a good idea, which they're more than capable of doing.

Consider this, an SSN of the Virginia class costs about $3.5 billion USD/FRN per unit. A solid fueled SLV that could double as an ICBM is much cheaper. The Japanese Epsilon at the low end of scale at $39 million and the Minotaur IV at $50 million (derived from the Peacekeeper/LGM-118) is on the higher end. Put two dozen of them with MIRV buses on top of them in the outback on TELs with inexpensive shelters and some BMD systems covering them and Australia's population centers and Beijing gets to sweat some with the rest of us.
 

Housecarl

On TB every waking moment
Posted for fair use.....

Beyond Subs for Australia: Building a Pax Pacifica

By Henry Sokolski
December 01, 2021

America's offer to supply British and U.S. nuclear submarine technology to Australia (AUKUS) became a political fact almost instantly. President Biden and prime ministers Boris Johnson and Scott Morrison announced it. Yet, whatever its outcome, if it's just limited to building subs, it's unlikely to deter Beijing. To accomplish that and create a real Pax Pacifica, Washington will have to up its ante and forge additional strategic technology collaborations between Japan, South Korea, and Europe.

What will happen if Washington doesn’t? Seoul and Tokyo could go their own way. Having been rebuffed after asking Washington to help it build nuclear submarines in 2020, South Koreans now wonder why Washington just said yes to Australia. Assuming Seoul proceeds with its plans, though, it would squander billions on nuclear submarines unlikely to perform well in the closed and shallow seas that surround Korea. Worse, it would give Seoul a pretext to enrich uranium for its subs with plants that could also produce weapons-grade material for bombs. Japan would hardly stand for this. Count on it, and possibly others, developing additional nuclear weapons options, straining rather than strengthening America’s security ties in the region.

This, however, is hardly inevitable. Washington, Tokyo, Seoul, Canberra, and Europe could create a Pax Pacifica by tightening the nuclear rules and collaborating on new, cutting-edge technological projects. The aim would be to get China to realize that any regional hot war it might threaten in the short run would only further catalyze a larger cool competition against it that it would likely lose.

How might the United States and its allies pull this off? One way, recently suggested by former Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe, would be to amplify the Australian, U.K., U.S. deal's nonnuclear features — its space cooperation, unmanned underwater warfare systems development, and advanced computing and missile collaboration — and open them up to the participation of Japan, South Korea, and others as appropriate.

Washington also could forge new collaborations. One might be an RoK-French-U.S. (ROKFUS) initiative to build an enhanced space surveillance system that, among other things, could aim to eliminate the blind spots the moon's brightness creates near it for our ground-based telescopes. France, the hips of the European Space Agency and NATO's space command, should be interested. So should Seoul, which otherwise is poised to waste billions on unnecessary space launch systems and redundant navigational satellite constellations. Meanwhile, the project's surveillance system could keep track of Chinese military and civil satellites, including those near the moon, threatening critical U.S. and allied satellites in geostationary orbits.

Another useful project would be to have Germany, as the European Union's lead, work with Japan and the United States on advanced computer and communications systems that could help could crack codes, secure communications, and open up closed internet systems. This deal (DEJPUS?) could exploit Japan's, Europe's and America's considerable accomplishments in these fields, Japan's and Germany's current cooperation on advanced computing, and help assure U.S. and European (EU) markets for the systems the undertaking might generate. This, after China’s rush to tap the European 5-G market, would be no mean accomplishment. It also could help penetrate Beijing’s Great Firewall, which tracks and censors open communications in and outside China.

These additional initiatives could include additional participants. Their aim would be to reduce Japan’s and South Korea’s incentives to go their own way (or nuclear); encourage Europe’s democracies to engage more deeply with those of the Pacific; and create peaceful counters to Chinese economic, military, and diplomatic forms of intimidation.

Sound too good ever to be true? It may be. Certainly, there’s one question Chinese and Russian critics of AUKUS raise that could make all this stillborn: Isn't sharing nuclear submarine technology with Australia directly at odds with reining in nuclear risks? For many, the answer is yes. It ought to be just the opposite.

Former Australian foreign minister Gareth Evans has publicly supported AUKUS so long as Australia keeps clear of enriching its own uranium. Scott Morison’s Australia’s Liberal Party, which enjoys a mere one-seat majority in Australia’s House, seems to be listening: Prime Minister Morison recently stated that Canberra does not intend to develop a civilian nuclear program. Even if it did, Australia has no need to enrich uranium or reprocess spent reactor fuels. As such, Australia could follow the UAE and Taiwan’s example by forswearing these activities in its nuclear cooperative agreement with the United States.

This could be done by amending the existing U.S.-Australia nuclear cooperative agreement or 123, which currently prohibits the transfer of any controlled U.S. nuclear technology for any military purpose. Agreeing legally to forgo enriching and reprocessing also has the advantage of short-circuiting nuclear proliferation critics at the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty Review Conference this coming January. Finally, it would help further restrain South Korea, which would like to enrich uranium and reprocess U.S.-origin spent fuel but is prohibited from doing so by its current nuclear cooperative agreement with Washington.

As for concerns regarding highly enriched uranium, which would fuel the subs but could also help make nuclear weapons, both the U.S. Los Angeles and the British Astute-class submarines use this fuel. Their reactor cores, however, do not require refueling for 33 years or more and cannot be serviced without cutting open the hulls. Australia, the United States, and the U.K. should exploit this by announcing that either the United States or the U.K. will retain title to the fuel, so Australia will have no need to touch it.

Combine that with a legally binding pledge not to enrich or reprocess and additional American-European strategic technological collaboration with Japan and South Korea, and Washington could set the stage not only for less nuclear proliferation but a Pax Pacifica with real staying power.



Henry Sokolski is the executive director of the Nonproliferation Policy Education Center in Arlington, Virginia, and author of Underestimated: Our Not So Peaceful Nuclear Future. He served as deputy for nonproliferation policy in the office of the U.S. Secretary of Defense during the George H.W. Bush administration.
 

Housecarl

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The Uncomfortable Reality of the U.S. Army’s Role in a War Over Taiwan

Jacquelyn Schneider
November 30, 2021

While it was once taboo for U.S. officials to publicly discuss defending Taiwan, the conversation now unfolds openly and pointedly. The contentious U.S.-Chinese relationship has become the centerpiece of U.S. military strategy, planning, and spending, with some calling for an even more overt focus on Taiwan. How exactly the U.S. military might defend Taiwan is still largely conjecture, but public discussions foreshadow a high-tech concept of warfare dominated by the Navy and Air Force, possibly with help from the Marine Corps. But is there a place for the Army too? Should there be? If so, what?


These are uncomfortable questions because there is a good chance that the role U.S. decisionmakers will ask the Army to play in this conflict is not what has been presented so far: lobbing missiles or “advising” Taiwanese military units. Instead, troops may find themselves either defending the island from a Chinese invasion or even helping retake Taiwan after China (due to proximity and first-mover advantages) wins the initial high-tech struggle. Both of these roles are massive shifts for an insurgency-honed force, as well as expensive, bloody, and politically fraught — not to mention that they would represent a significant escalation in a crisis between two nuclear-armed states.

Recent polling suggests that, for the first time in many years, a majority of the American public supports defending Taiwan in the case of a Chinese invasion. Given the potential for this conflict to include American soldiers, the public deserves to know what they are buying when they make this decision. As the United States debates whether to increase its support of Taiwan’s defense and officially align more closely with Taiwan, politicians need to honestly evaluate American willingness to see our commitment through. If the United States is indeed serious about defending Taiwan, then the government may need to make a massive investment in a new focus for the Army — and that pivot will have to occur quickly.


So, what is the future of the Army in a U.S.-Chinese competition turned violent? Why don’t we like to talk about it? An honest answer to these questions may help the United States avoid these uncomfortable circumstances in the first place.


A High-Tech Air and Sea Battle Is Not the Whole Story


Prognosticators looking at future war with China tell a story of air and naval campaigns that lean on U.S. technological dominance to subdue and defeat an invading Chinese force. Department of Defense concepts like AirSea Battle and the “third offset” all envisage high-tech fights in which, faced with an onslaught of Chinese missile volleys, air attacks, and destroyers, the United States comes to the defense of Taiwan with stealth fighters, long-range missiles, and stealthy submarines. These mechanisms all rely on networks of satellites and airborne sensors to fight the kind of offense-focused campaigns for air and naval dominance that have become the hallmark of U.S. strategy in the 21st century. Meanwhile, as both sides battle for air and sea superiority, they simultaneously try to blind one another with cyber operations, electronic warfare, and space attacks.


This vision of high-tech conflict is likely, but it’s just the beginning. There is a reasonable chance that China wins the first round of high-tech conflict. Declassified wargaming results, think tank reports, and congressional testimony all warn that the U.S. military — which will ostensibly be fighting to defend Taiwan from behind the island while dependent on fragile logistics chains — could lose the first volleys (or at least find itself seriously disadvantaged) in a Chinese quest to retake Taiwan.


Hence, there is a good chance the United States will struggle to keep Chinese forces from taking control of the Taiwan Strait. But what about the second — and more important — phase of conflict: defeating a Chinese invasion of Taiwan? In order for China to assert control over Taiwan, it needs to not only defeat aircraft, submarines, surface ships, and missiles, but also take and control the island with boots on the ground.


The U.S. Army can play a large role in a Taiwan scenario, either by standing with Taiwanese forces to defend the island from a Chinese invasion or as part of a campaign to retake Taiwan after a Chinese invasion. However, this is a qualitatively different kind of role than what the Army is currently discussing, and far removed from the skills, tactics, and technologies that the Army developed over the last two decades of wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria. In fact, this kind of conflict more closely resembles the wars of attrition fought in southeast Asia or the island-hopping campaigns of World War II than the fights in which U.S. forces have honed their capability since 9/11.


Defending the island from invasion will mean defeating a Chinese military amphibious capability that is expanding rapidly. This expansion includes eight marine brigades and significant investment in new amphibious vessels, as well as a repurposed and large coast guard, merchant marine augmentation, and a prolific maritime militia. Chinese forces will be invading an island that has not focused enough on defense, instead buying increasingly obsolete prestige aircraft and missiles optimized for offensive strike. To further complicate defense efforts, Washington’s official policy of strategic ambiguity means that the United States has very limited forces on the island — ostensibly all in a training capacity. If the U.S. Army were to have to defend the island in the current status, it would face difficult and contested deployment conditions and arrive to fight alongside a Taiwanese military with whom it has limited-to-no experience. None of these conditions bode well for American forces facing the invasion of a peer competitor on an island they have not fortified, with an ally not officially an ally, and in a territory thousands of miles away from major Army bases. American lives would be lost — potentially at great scale. When the United States defended the Philippines against an invading Japanese force in World War II, it lost 25,000 troops, and almost 100,000 were captured (Japan would subsequently lose over 400,000 while defending the Philippines from a U.S. invasion force).

Continued.....
 
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